Check out this new study by Ellenberg, Speckhard and Kruglanski.
In recent years, self-described “involuntary celibates” or incels have gained attention due to high-profile acts of mass violence committed by individuals identifying as incels. Academic scholarship and journalism have explored the unique characteristics of incels as a potentially dangerous group, not only to others but also to themselves. This article delves into the ideology of inceldom, known as the “black pill,” and its influence on the behavior of incels.
The study employs a cluster analysis of self-described incels from different regions worldwide, including Europe, North America, South America, Asia, Africa, and Oceania. By applying the 3N theory of radicalization, which focuses on the need, narrative, and network, the study examines how incels seek significance, adhere to specific narratives, and interact within their networks.
Incels exhibit an amplified need for significance, which they address by engaging in online incel forums. These forums provide validation for their feelings and introduce them to the overarching ideology of inceldom. The ideology offers a worldview that allows incels to shift from self-blame for their lack of romantic success to feelings of anger and potential violence, either directed inwardly or outwardly. Within the incel ideology, incels align themselves with three distinct narratives that determine their perceived means of gaining significance: an externalizing narrative promoting violence as a response to a society they believe has condemned them to celibacy and loneliness, an internalizing narrative that sees suicide as a means of regaining control over rejection, and a hopeful narrative that focuses on the possibility of transitioning out of inceldom.
The 3N model of radicalization, proposed by Kruglanski et al. (2019), posits that three elements—need, narrative, and network—are crucial in driving behavior, including extremist violence. In the case of incels, the need for significance is a universal human craving. The narrative provides a framework that presents certain behaviors as a path to significance, while the network consists of fellow incels and sympathizers who reinforce the narrative and reward individuals for adhering to it.
The study surveyed 312 self-identified incels, excluding those who did not meet the age requirement or provided frivolous responses, resulting in a final sample of 268 participants. Through cluster analysis, three distinct clusters emerged: “hopers,” “internalizers,” and “externalizers.” Hopers displayed low suicidal and violent ideation, believing their situation was temporary. Internalizers exhibited high suicidal ideation, low violent ideation, and a perception of their situation as permanent. Externalizers, on the other hand, displayed high violent ideation, viewing their situation as permanent.
The clusters differed in terms of their need for significance, narrative adherence, and the influence of their network. Externalizers were more likely to blame gender equality, Western society, and feminism for their lack of sexual experiences. In terms of the network, externalizers reported feeling more violent due to their forum interactions and expressed greater admiration for incels who have engaged in acts of mass violence. These findings support the 3N model, illustrating how different narratives and network dynamics influence the behavior of incels.
Understanding the diverse pathways within inceldom is crucial for devising effective intervention strategies. Recognizing the narratives and networks that incels align themselves with can help identify potential risks and develop targeted prevention efforts. By addressing the underlying need for significance and providing alternative narratives and support networks, it may be possible to redirect incels towards more positive and nonviolent outcomes.